The Constituent Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir sent the old Constitution to abolish the monarchy from 17 November 1952. On 9 August 1953, Sheikh Abdullah, co-author of the Delhi Agreement, was released as Prime Minister and imprisoned for nearly 11 years. Article 27 of the Constitution, promulgated by the Hull Assembly in its absence in 1956, has perfectly overhauled the Delhi line. The Sadar-i-Riyasat is the person recognized for the time being by the president. There was only one condition to choose. But section 28 stipulated that he would remain in office during the joy of the president, that is, the Indian government. Jammu and Kashmirs Constitutions 6th Amendment Act, 1965, rejected this joke and provides for the appointment of the governor of states by the president. On 23 July 1975, India`s Constitution was amended by a simple executive order, pursuant to Article 370, to ban jammu and the Kashmir Assembly from legislation on the appointment of governors. The Delhi agreement was destroyed twice. In 1952, he distanced himself from the Union of India and said that Nehru had weakened in his commitment to the people of Kashmir, who had rejected the theory of two nations and chose secular India. The sheikh lamented that Nehru was showing signs of easing pressure from local forces who were posing as nationalists and patriots. When Abdullah first addressed the Hindus in Jammu in November 1947, he surprised her with his tolerance, writes Victoria Schofield.
“A man considered until now an enemy of Hindus,” writes Balraj Puri, mesmerizing almost every soul in his audience by sanitizing in the name of the Hindu Dharma, Lord Krishna and Gandhi. However, in a speech to R.S.Pura, Jammu, on 10 April 1952, the sheikh criticized the communism of India. Third, the Supreme Court has completely overlooked the fact that Section 370 could be misused in its interpretation by national and central governments that are collateral to repeal the constitution of states and reduce its guarantee of autonomy to nothing. Finally, the Tribunal misinterpreted the recommendation of the Constituent Assemblies of 17 November 1952, which defined the State government only in one declaration. For the Tribunal, this meant that the Assembly had expressed its agreement to continue this article by recommending that it only come into force with this amendment. It had not made such a recommendation. In the statement, there was nothing more than the state government for the purposes of this section. Nor can it remove the restrictions on the approval power of central governments imposed by the paragraph 2 clause, namely ratification by the Constituent Assembly. Sheikh Abdullah, still attached to Nehru, reached a consensus with the government and signed the Delhi Agreement in July 1952. The Centre has taken a reasonable step to allay the fears of the people of Jammu and Kashmir about maintaining its special status. At the same time, it brought the State closer to the Indian Union more than it had been. On certain subjects in the competition list (welfare measures, human rights, etc.) the state could review the central laws after 1953, but again subject to the approval of the centres.
In the future, the same rule would apply. Clearly, the central powers that have been expanded since 1953 would not be weakened. In addition, the approval of presidents would be required for all state laws relating to the governor or election-related matters. On the question of the nomenclature of the governor and the chief minister, no agreement was possible, so the matter is referred to the contractors. While Nehru`s speech to Parliament on the Delhi Agreement (July 24, 1952) was a weak defence of the agreement and the agreement was not annexed to the protocol, the sheikh presented the same agreement to the Jammu-Kashmir Constituent Assembly and spoke of it on August 11, 1952 as the work of his life.